The governor previously expressed support for the bills that would allow more Virginia public workers to organize in unions and negotiate their working conditions and pay rates.

Spanberger first sought amendments to and , which one of the bill鈥檚 carriers, Senate Majority Leader Scott Surrovell, D-Fairfax, characterized as 鈥渁 total rewrite.鈥� On Thursday, Surovell confirmed the governor told him in a private call she planned to veto the measure.

The proposal, backed by the Virginia Service Employees International Union (SEIU) and various labor groups, would expand on a 2020 law that permits local government employees in Virginia to opt-in to collective bargaining if their localities allow it.

鈥淚 put forth amendments which would have required the state to set up a system allowing state employees, home care workers, and higher education service employees to enter into collective bargaining agreements first, in order to demonstrate the efficacy of this new system, with public employees in localities following closely after,鈥� Spanberger said in a explaining her veto.

The governor鈥檚 action came just over three weeks after legislators rejected her recommendations in their in Richmond on April 22.

Some Virginia counties and cities have allowed public school teachers, city hall janitorial staff, firefighters and other workers to do this and the proposed measure would have made it possible statewide.

Spanberger seemed on board with the bills, lawmakers said, and had attended a SEIU rally in Richmond in February in support of them.

Surovell said that he and fellow Democratic Fairfax County lawmaker Del. Kathy Tran, who carried the House version, compromised aspects of their bills during the legislative session as part of the process to get it to Spanberger鈥檚 desk.

But 鈥渨hen the session was over, (Spanberger) came up with an entirely new bill,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 kind of hard to negotiate when the goal post gets put on a different field.鈥�

Spanberger鈥檚 proposed changes sought to delay provisions of the bill until 2030 and shift authority over how the system operates to a state board.

Thursday afternoon,聽 Spanberger defended the changes she鈥檇 suggested for the bill.

鈥淲hile preserving the enrolled bill鈥檚 focus on allowing public employees to achieve collective bargaining, my amendments would have also provided additional flexibility for public employers to take into account existing local budget timelines and processes,鈥� she wrote.聽 鈥淗owever, the General Assembly rejected these amendments.鈥�

Workers call veto 鈥榓 betrayal,鈥� Hashmi reaffirms support of bills

With a May 23 deadline to take final actions on remaining legislation, SEIU members crashed a bill signing Spanberger attended earlier this week to urge her to sign the collective bargaining bills.

On Thursday ahead of the formal veto, Virginia Professional Firefighters, who鈥檇 been at their association鈥檚 biannual convention in Henrico County, stepped away to protest Spanberger鈥檚 planned veto.

Kurt Detrick, the new incoming president of the union association, called the governor鈥檚 actions 鈥渁n absolute betrayal鈥� after the conversations and advocacy the association has been part of with other unions throughout the legislative session.

He noted that Virginia鈥檚 firefighters and other groups had also lent their input and support when Surovell and Tran advanced their proposal to former Gov. Glenn Youngkin. That too, faced a veto.

Of Virginia鈥檚 roughly 11,000 firefighters, Detrick said about 8,000 to 9,000 of them still don鈥檛 have seats at the table because their localities have not opted in.

Many of these public safety workers want to push for safe staffing levels, which they hoped the bills鈥� success could enable them to do, Detrick said.

This would ensure that more staff are on duty at the same time to respond to emergencies. It would also require localities to pay more, a key concern for opponents of the bargaining bills.

House Minority Leader Terry Kilgore, R-Scott County, said that his caucus has 鈥渕ade repeatedly clear, this bill would have driven up local taxes unsustainably.鈥�

Tran鈥檚 and Surrovell鈥檚 new law would have mandated localities allow for collective bargaining, although there was also language to allow localities to reject the mandate if they lacked the local funding to handle it.

The Virginia Public Sector Labor Coalition, which includes SEIU and Virginia鈥檚 firefighters, also issued a press release calling Spanberger鈥檚 expected veto 鈥淥rwellian,鈥� because she had previously expressed support for the bills.

The labor coalition also chalked up the governor鈥檚 rejection of the bills to pressure from local leaders. Local officials from all regions of the state sent the governor of collective bargaining on Monday.

Thursday evening, Virginia Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi, who was elected alongside Spanberger on the Democratic statewide ticket last fall, restated her support for the collective bargaining bills, a stance at odds with the governor鈥檚 position.

鈥淰irginia鈥檚 workers deserve the right to organize for fair wages, worker protections, and a seat at decision-making tables,鈥� Hashmi wrote. 鈥淚 am determined and optimistic that Virginia will make collective bargaining available to public sector unions.鈥�

The first-term lieutenant governor, a career educator and former state delegate said she would 鈥渃ontinue to fight for legislation that lifts up public servants.鈥�

Spanberger鈥檚 office has not responded to requests for comment on her veto.

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In a multi-state , the attorneys general argue the proposal is unlawful and would create what they describe as a dangerous loophole in federal law that has restricted the mailing of concealable firearms for nearly a century.

鈥淭his loophole puts guns in the hands of those barred by Virginia law from buying weapons, and it allows people to blatantly dodge background checks and access illegal firearms,鈥� Jones said in a statement. 鈥淭he federal government continues to undermine the law and (is) putting our communities at risk in the process.鈥�

The dispute stems from a issued by the U.S. Department of Justice under President Donald Trump鈥檚 administration, which concluded that a long-standing federal statute restricting the mailing of certain firearms is unconstitutional.

鈥淪o long as Congress chooses to run a parcel service, the Second Amendment precludes it from refusing to ship constitutionally protected firearms to and from law-abiding citizens, even if they are not licensed manufacturers or dealers,鈥� the opinion stated.

The department said it would no longer enforce the law and directed the Postal Service to align its regulations accordingly.

On April 2, the Postal Service published that would conform to that guidance, prompting pushback from a coalition of states 鈥� including Virginia 鈥� that say the executive branch lacks the authority to override in 1927.

In their letter, the attorneys general contend that the statute remains valid and enforceable, noting it has never been struck down by a court.

They argue that allowing firearms to be shipped through the mail without going through licensed dealers would bypass background check requirements and increase access for people barred from owning guns, including felons and domestic abusers.

The states also warn the change could complicate criminal investigations by weakening existing firearm tracing systems. Without federal trace data tied to licensed sellers, law enforcement agencies could face higher costs and new logistical challenges in tracking weapons used in crimes.

The proposal would mark a significant shift in how firearms move across state lines. Under current practice, federal law limits the mailing of concealable weapons through USPS, while private carriers such as UPS operate under their own policies and legal obligations regarding firearm shipments.

According to the letter, USPS 鈥渞ecognizes no statutory obligation鈥� to ensure packages comply with varying state laws governing firearm purchases and transfers, raising concerns about enforcement gaps if the rule takes effect.

The attorneys general further argue that the Second Amendment does not require the Postal Service to permit firearm shipments, because the underlying federal law governs only the mailing of weapons, not the right to possess them.

They also point to historical precedent, noting that firearms were largely excluded from the mail for much of the nation鈥檚 history.

Beyond legal questions, the states say the proposal could carry financial consequences. They warn that state and local law enforcement agencies may need to develop new tracking systems to monitor firearms sent through the mail, adding strain to already tight budgets.

The letter outlines scenarios in which individuals prohibited from owning firearms under state law 鈥� including those with felony convictions or subject to restraining orders 鈥� could obtain weapons shipped from other states, potentially including firearms that are otherwise banned where they live.

Virginia joined a group of states led by New Jersey, New York and Delaware in signing the letter. Other states include Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington and the District of Columbia.

The debate comes amid broader national disputes over gun policy and federal authority, as states continue to adopt different approaches to firearm regulation.

In Virginia, Gov. Abigail Spanberger last month amended and signed of gun legislation, marking one of the most significant overhauls of Virginia鈥檚 firearm laws in years.

The changes clarify a ban on the future sale of certain semi-automatic 鈥渁ssault鈥� firearms, restore background checks for private sales, raise the minimum age for some purchases to 21 and impose new safe-storage requirements, while also expanding restrictions on where guns can be carried publicly.

At the same time, lawmakers across the country are grappling with how firearms are bought, sold and transported, particularly as online marketplaces and interstate transactions become more common.

The Postal Service proposal remains in the rulemaking process, and it remains unclear whether or how the agency will revise the measure in response to the states鈥� objections.

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鈥淚 want to set a precedent for my kids, grandkids, nieces and nephews. I can鈥檛 tell them to go out and vote if I can鈥檛 do it myself,鈥� King said in a to Virginia鈥檚 American Civil Liberties Union website, the organization that represented him and others in the class action lawsuit challenging Virginia鈥檚 restoration of rights process. 鈥淚 want to set an example. The world is in uproar and chaos right now. It鈥檚 about trying to make things right.鈥�

A federal court ruled earlier this year that Virginia鈥檚 current disenfranchisement of anyone with felony convictions violates laws that required former Confederate states to guarantee voting rights for newly-emancipated Black residents.

The series of laws, called the , had barred states from constitutionally disenfranchising people other than those convicted of crimes considered common law at the time. Under current law, however, unless they鈥檝e petitioned a governor successfully.

The federal judge had originally given state officials a May 1 deadline to make sure that many of today鈥檚 crimes don鈥檛 strip voting rights. A new joint filing last week between King鈥檚 lawyers and the Office of Attorney General Jay Jones, grants an extension to June 1.

鈥淲e are committed to working with the Commonwealth to implement this historic expansion of voting rights and ensure newly eligible voters know their rights have been restored,鈥� said ACLU attorney Vishal Agraharkar. 鈥淚t鈥檚 past time for us to finally and formally right this wrong.鈥�

Groundwork for a constitutional amendment

The legal back and forth represents a multiyear effort to ensure people who are done serving time can participate in the democratic process again.

King鈥檚 lawsuit challenged Virginia鈥檚 historic disenfranchisement by targeting former Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, who鈥檇 adjusted a once-automatic process to restore voting rights when someone finishes their sentence.

Two previous governors had streamlined that process before Youngkin switched the process to petition-based. With little clarity on what would garner a successful petition, under his tenure.

Concurrently, state lawmakers advanced an effort to into the state鈥檚 constitution. Having cleared the legislature two years in a row, it will appear on statewide ballots this November 鈥� meaning King and others will be able to vote to change the constitution that had once disenfranchised them.

鈥淰oting to me means that my voice is being heard,鈥� King said. 鈥淚t means that I am fulfilling my obligation as a citizen of this state and of this country.鈥�

When Gov. Abigail Spanberger signed the measure to advance the amendment to a ballot referendum earlier this year, she said: 鈥淲hen Virginians have paid their debt to society, they deserve to regain their right to vote.鈥�

As state agencies work to formally define the list of crimes that may qualify or disqualify past offenders, June 1 will become the first day of eligibility for some to register to vote without first needing a governor鈥檚 approval. Details on how to register to vote are available on the .

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Filed in Tazewell County Circuit Court, the suit claims the ballot language is misleading and echoes arguments in a that challenged the .

Bluefield town council member Meagan Kade and Chesterfield County child psychiatrist Sheila Furey are represented by the Founding Freedoms Law Center, the legal arm of the conservative advocacy group Family Foundation.

鈥淭he language voters will see when they walk into the voting booth in November is engineered to obscure what this amendment actually does,鈥� Family Foundation President Victoria Cobb said when introducing the lawsuit Thursday morning.

The plaintiffs argue the pending amendment would requirements for minors seeking abortions or surgical birth control procedures and pose safety risks by removing the current three-physician approval threshold for abortions later in pregnancy.

Those arguments mirror concerns that Furey and the Family Foundation have raised in public comments before legislative committees, as well as objections voiced by Republican lawmakers during of the amendment鈥檚 approval process so far.

Existing requires parental or guardian consent for surgeries on minors unless a minor successfully petitions a judge for approval.

Democrats, who to the ballot later this year, say it would not override existing state law but instead more firmly protect access to abortion, contraception and fertility treatment.

They have also pushed for years to eliminate the state鈥檚 three-physician requirement for certain later-in-pregnancy abortions, arguing that it can delay care for patients in rural areas facing life-threatening emergencies.

Alleging misleading representation in the ballot language, plaintiffs in the case reiterated that voters might not really know what they are voting for or against.

As a planned 鈥渘o鈥� vote, Kade said: 鈥淚 could not stand by and allow my vote and the votes of many other Virginians to be effectively canceled out because the General Assembly has deliberately chosen to materially misrepresent the effects of the so-called reproductive freedom amendment.鈥�

Ballot language: 鈥淪hould the Constitution of Virginia be amended to protect the freedom to make personal decisions about prenatal care, childbirth, postpartum care, birth control, abortion, miscarriage management, and fertility care; protect doctors, nurses, and patients from being punished for these decisions; and allow for restrictions on access to abortion during the third trimester of pregnancy except when the patient鈥檚 health is at risk or the pregnancy cannot survive?鈥�

Kade is the second local government official to challenge the amendment. Bedford County Supervisor Charla Bansley filed March, represented聽by Liberty Counsel, alleging that Virginia House of Delegates Clerk Paul Nardo invalidated the amendment by failing to formally send a copy of its language to circuit court clerks across the state.

But a bill signed by Gov. Abigail Spanberger retroactively that requirement from .

鈥淐ourts do allow laws to take effect retroactively. They just sort of balance the damage done by retroactive laws,鈥� Rich Meagher, a Randolph-Macon College political science professor, said when the previous suit dropped in March.

If upheld, the issue could affect all four constitutional amendments on the ballot this year. Aside from the reproductive rights amendment are referendums to restore voting rights for people with felony convictions who have served their time, same-sex marriage protections and a controversial mid-decade redistricting effort in Virginia that . A challenge to it is currently by the Supreme Court of Virginia.

Josh Hetzler, legal counsel in the latest case, said he believes the Liberty Counsel argument is 鈥渧alid.鈥�

The issue surfaced earlier in the week when the high court heard oral arguments in the redistricting suit.

鈥淥ne of the points was, 鈥榯here鈥檚 a reason why we require strict compliance with the rules for constitutional amendments, because these bind future generations.鈥� There was also some talk that 鈥榤aybe people don鈥檛 necessarily get their news from the courthouse,鈥欌�� he said.

Hetzler said his case is primarily focused on what he described as the 鈥渄eceptive language鈥� of the ballot amendment. He said his clients hope the court could order a rewrite before early voting begins Sept. 18.

He and Cobb emphasized they are not trying to block the amendment from reaching voters, but believe the current wording is misleading.

Hetzler also suggested the decision to file the suit in Tazewell County was strategic. With Kade as plaintiff in the area 鈥� and the Town of Bluefield located in Tazewell County 鈥� he said the venue made the case possible.

Tazewell County has already been the source of legal challenges to the redistricting amendment, cases that have since been elevated to the Supreme Court of Virginia.

鈥淚t鈥檚 no secret that the Tazewell Circuit Court has become something of a subject matter expert on ballot measures,鈥� Hetzler said. 鈥淭hey鈥檝e had a lot of time to think about it. And so we felt that we should go there.鈥�

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Six years before police say he fatally shot his wife and himself, Justin Fairfax had been the tie-breaking vote on state legislation that allows temporary confiscation of guns from people deemed at-risk of harming themselves or others.

鈥淭his is a terribly painful irony,鈥� Del. Rip Sullivan, D-Fairfax, said. 鈥淭he red flag process is directed at trying to prevent these tragedies.鈥�

New ways to raise a flag

Two of Sullivan鈥檚 bills to update the red flag law were recently signed by Gov. Abigail Spanberger. Preventing gun violence is an issue he鈥檚 cared about for a long time, he said.

Sullivan鈥檚 House Bill 901 (and companion Senate Bill 495 by Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville) expands the option for people to petition a judge for substantial risk orders.

When these orders are granted, the subject loses their firearms and the ability to purchase others for up to 14 days. People can petition to restore their access to guns and can also be subject to a gun prohibition for up to 180 days under the law, if they鈥檙e deemed a threat.

Previously, commonwealth attorneys or law enforcement officers had been the only parties allowed to file the orders. With the new law, social workers, mental health professionals, school administrators and immediate family or household members will be able to seek them too.

Likewise, Sullivan鈥檚 HB 896 directs the state Department of Criminal Justice Services to establish a training program for law enforcement to ensure they know how to use the law and to spread the word about them through public outreach campaigns.

Sullivan said the measures are 鈥渕eant to make sure that our communities know that this is an option out there.鈥�

The updates to the law don鈥檛 take effect until July 1 but the current law was designed to prevent tragedies like the one that unfolded in the Fairfax home on April 16, when deadly violence erupted following signs of declining mental health, a judge had noted in a March 30 .

Justin Fairfax was accused of sexual assault while still serving as lieutenant governor in 2019, allegations he denied and that didn鈥檛 result in criminal charges. By 2021, he鈥檇 lost a Democratic primary for governor and his political career continued a downward trajectory.

His behavior changed, according to the custody order that included insights from family members amid their prolonged divorce.

Cerina Fairfax had described his periods of isolation, excessive alcohol consumption and failure to pay his half of the mortgage, groceries and utilities.

In 2022, he purchased a handgun with money meant for their two children to have horseback riding lessons. His brother later found him with it in a park and facilitated him speaking with a mental health professional in a mall parking lot late one night, The Richmond Times-Dispatch .

That moment, Sullivan noted, might have been one where the updated red flag law could have come into play, had it been law at that time.

Virginia鈥檚 divorce laws 鈥榦utdated鈥�

While the enhanced gun safety laws could have been helpful for the Fairfaxes, it appears their living situation was not.

Virginia law requires that couples be separated for six months or a year, if there are children involved, before being granted a divorce.

The Fairfaxes separated in the summer of 2024 and by 2025, Cerina Fairfax had initiated the divorce. show her husband tried legal tactics to prolong the process, arguing she had not initially disclosed intent to divorce when they separated.

The couple continued to live together during the separation and after initiating the divorce process, sleeping in different bedrooms.

Courtenay Schwartz with the Virginia Sexual and Domestic Violence Action Alliance said that finances are often a reason for couples to remain under the same roof when separating.

Though the former lieutenant governor was a lawyer and his wife was a dentist with her own practice, his legal work largely dried up after he left public office and he鈥檇 accumulated debt. Cerina Fairfax 鈥� as the rock of her family and a woman with a kind nature 鈥� handled household expenses and support for the children.

In the leadup to him murdering his wife and committing suicide, a Fairfax County judge noted Justin Fairfax鈥檚 鈥渦ndefined emotional and psychological issues鈥� that were 鈥渋n fact defining him.鈥�

If finances hampered the couple from living apart as tensions between them rose, it may have worsened matters, Loudoun Democrat Sen. Russet Perry, who is also a lawyer, said.

Perry鈥檚 prosecutorial background has included working with victims of domestic violence, and she has spotted trends in contributing factors to heightened violence.

鈥淲hen people are very upset and to have them in this powder keg with difficulty separating, I鈥檓 not sure it does anyone any favors,鈥� Perry said. 鈥淚t can exacerbate things.鈥�

The Fairfax murder-suicide on April 16 appeared to be the result of 鈥渙ngoing domestic dispute surrounding what seems to be a complicated or messy divorce,鈥� Fairfax County Police Chief Kevin Davis said.

Officers had been dispatched to the home months prior after Justin Fairfax alleged that his wife had attacked him. Police reviewed cameras she鈥檇 installed in the home, Davis said, to dispel the allegation and, after their deaths, to corroborate the sequence of events.

Schwartz suggested the interior cameras could have been a red flag amid their ongoing separation and imminent divorce, saying the surveillance was聽 鈥渘ot normal.鈥�

A judge had ordered Justin Fairfax to move out of the estranged couple鈥檚 shared home by April 30, and he had to undergo a breathalyzer before permitted visits with his children.

He was also scheduled to appear in court on April 21, to face a for failure to comply with previous orders.

Davis surmised the latest serving of paperwork may have been the 鈥渟park鈥� that motivated him to kill his wife.

Perry said that while the public doesn鈥檛 know all the intricacies of the Fairfaxes鈥� crumbling relationship, their tragic ending is a reminder of how聽 laws can help people in similar or related situations.

She pointed to Sullivan鈥檚 HB 303, which Spanberger also recently signed.

While that law focuses on instances of adultery as grounds for a divorce being decreed, it also establishes a workgroup that can explore whether the state should end fault-based divorces altogether.

Schwartz and Perry say the concept is particularly helpful for spouses experiencing domestic violence. By allowing marriages to end without a fault-based system, it prevents prolonged and costly proceedings that can lead to further contact between the abused and abuser.

In her role as a lawmaker, Perry said she is considering carrying legislation to end fault-based divorce and remove waiting periods.

鈥淚鈥檝e thought for some period of time that our divorce laws are really outdated and pretty paternalistic,鈥� Perry said.

Schwartz has witnessed how the delays impact some of her clients or people who have called a hotline hosted by her organization. They have relayed fear for their safety and their inability to afford聽 legal services to continue their divorce proceedings.

鈥淭he legal system is designed to move slowly and sometimes that is for good reason,鈥� Schwartz said. 鈥淏ut I agree some reform is necessary. When people need to end their marriages, it should not be this difficult.鈥漹irginia

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The move leaves Spanberger with a binary choice: sign a long-debated proposal to launch retail sales or veto it and prolong a yearslong stalemate that has left Virginia in a legal gray area, where cannabis is allowed to be possessed, but not legally purchased.

The , which frustrated many lawmakers and stakeholders, would delay the latest start of retail sales to July 1, 2027, while restructuring much of the framework lawmakers during the session.

鈥淔ive years ago, the commonwealth took the first steps to legalize marijuana 鈥� and for five years, the work sat unfinished,鈥� Spanberger said in a statement.

鈥淲e are working to set up a marketplace that is controlled, regulated, and responsible 鈥� because legal markets only succeed when there are clear guardrails and enforcement to back it up.鈥�

Under her proposal, regulators would begin accepting license applications by Sept. 1, 2026, with various licenses issued in early 2027 ahead of the planned launch.

Lawmakers reject extensive rewrite

At the heart of the dispute is the governor鈥檚 attempt to rewrite large portions of and , the companion measures aimed at establishing an adult-use cannabis market in Virginia.

Del. Paul Krizek, D-Fairfax, who sponsored the House bill, said the modifications went too far.

鈥淪ome of the changes in there were fine, but most of them were contrary to where we had arrived through the legislative process,鈥� Krizek said. Legislators and the governor 鈥渨ant a well-regulated, adult-use cannabis retail market in Virginia, and we鈥檙e going to get there. It鈥檚 just a process right now.鈥�

Krizek said he hopes Spanberger ultimately signs the bill but acknowledged the uncertainty ahead.

鈥淲hether it takes another session, or if she doesn鈥檛 veto it, then we鈥檒l work with her on some of the changes that maybe she needs to see,鈥� he said.

Pressed on whether the process has been challenging, Krizek did not hesitate.

鈥淚 can鈥檛 lie and say I鈥檓 not frustrated. I am a little bit frustrated, but she is the governor, I鈥檓 not the governor,鈥� he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a long process, but good legislation sometimes takes time.鈥�

Spanberger, in a separate statement, said she intends to keep negotiating with lawmakers.

鈥淚 will continue to work with the patrons of the bills that are coming back to my desk to make sure that when these bills become law, we get it right,鈥� she said.

Shift to regulatory framework, tighter controls

The governor鈥檚 proposed changes would fundamentally shift how the legislation that lawmakers sent to her desk structures Virginia鈥檚 cannabis market.

Rather than embedding detailed licensing rules in state law, Spanberger鈥檚 substitute would remove large portions of the statutory framework and instead direct the to establish those rules through regulations.

The proposal also reduces the number of retail licenses from 350 to 200 and extends that cap through Jan. 1, 2029, after which regulators would determine future limits.

It further restructures oversight of the Cannabis Control Authority by eliminating legislative appointments to its board and making all members gubernatorial appointees, while reducing required agricultural representation.

Other provisions of the enrolled bill would be stripped entirely.

Those include the , authority for the governor to negotiate cannabis-related agreements with tribal governments 鈥� federally recognized Native American tribes that can operate with a degree of sovereign authority 鈥� and a requirement for the to operate a tip line for reporting illegal activity.

The substitute would also change how cannabis tax revenue is distributed, eliminating fixed percentage allocations and instead directing lawmakers to allocate funds through the state budget for priorities such as public health, education and workforce development.

The state tax rate would be set at 6% until July 2029, rising to 8% thereafter.

Spanberger framed the changes as necessary to strengthen enforcement and public safety, particularly as the state grapples with an illicit market offering unregulated products.

鈥淭o keep our next generation safe, we must also ensure real consequences for vape shops that have spent years targeting Virginia鈥檚 kids,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e need to rein in these shady businesses and make sure a legal marijuana market does not make the problem worse.鈥�

Penalties, timelines and market uncertainty

The substitute also proposes tougher penalties in several areas. Public consumption would increase from a civil penalty to a Class 4 misdemeanor, while underage possession would be treated as a Class 1 misdemeanor, with potential fines, community service and license suspension.

The personal possession limit would be reduced from 2.5 ounces to 2 ounces.

Additional changes target advertising restrictions, medical cannabis delivery requirements and hemp regulations, including delaying the elimination of the state鈥檚 25:1 hemp ratio 鈥� a standard used to distinguish legal hemp products from marijuana based on THC concentration 鈥� until November 2026.

Beyond the retail legislation, lawmakers also rejected the governor鈥檚 proposed amendments to and , which would allow reconsideration of sentences for certain marijuana-related convictions.

Her changes would have clarified that individuals convicted of violent offenses or serious drugcrimes would not be eligible for reconsideration.

At the same time, Spanberger signed separate legislation targeting vape retailers, including and , which establish enforcement mechanisms to shut down shops that repeatedly sell to minors.

The measures require the Virginia Alcoholic Beverage Control Authority to conduct periodic compliance checks.

Stakeholders warn of continued delays

Advocates and industry stakeholders offered different reactions to the legislature鈥檚 rejection of the governor鈥檚 substitute.

Chelsea Higgs Wise, executive director of , called the move a victory for equity-focused organizers.

鈥淰irginia鈥檚 General Assembly rejecting the governor鈥檚 substitute is a testament to the work of equity, racial and criminal justice organizers,鈥� she said.

鈥淣ot only would the governor鈥檚 substitute be worse for Black, brown and low income communities than the status quo, her language ignored the reform, repair and redress required to acknowledge the decades of racist enforcement.鈥�

She urged Spanberger to allow the legislation to become law without further changes.

鈥淭he leader Virginia needs right now would listen to her constituents and allow the marijuana bills to become law this year,鈥� Wise said.

Industry leaders, however, warned that continued delays risk prolonging an unregulated market.

鈥淲hile we are disappointed by delays in establishing an adult-use cannabis market, we remain hopeful that the governor and lawmakers can come together to chart a clear, workable path forward for Virginia,鈥� said Rodney Holcombe, vice president of public policy at .

鈥淯nfortunately, every day without a regulated market is a day the illicit market continues to operate unchecked, undermining public safety, consumer protections, and, ultimately, legitimate businesses,鈥� he added. 鈥淰irginia has done the hard work to get to this point, now it鈥檚 time to finish the job.鈥�

Spanberger must take action on the cannabis retail bill 鈥� approve it without her tweaks or reject it completely 鈥� within 30 days.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

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鈥淚 have made it very clear that I support a yes vote, and I think Virginians should vote 鈥榶es,鈥欌�� she told reporters outside the Executive Mansion in Richmond. But, she added, 鈥渕y priority and my responsibility is on governance.鈥�

The governor has until midnight on Monday to act on hundreds of bills that the General Assembly sent to her desk last month.

, set for April 21 with early voting already underway, would temporarily allow Virginia to redraw its congressional districts mid-decade 鈥� a departure from the once-per-decade redistricting cycle 鈥� in response to aggressive map changes in other states encouraged by President Donald Trump.

Supporters say the move is necessary to maintain partisan balance nationally, while critics argue it risks politicizing the process.

A recent highlighted the tight divide among voters, with 52% of likely voters saying they鈥檙e in favor of the measure. The findings underscore both the significance of the vote and the uncertainty heading into the final weeks before the election.

Spanberger dismissed suggestions that her approach has been too restrained compared with other Democratic leaders, including California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who for a redistricting-related ballot measure in his state last year.

That measure, expanded reforms tied to independent redistricting oversight and was framed as a response to partisan gerrymandering concerns nationwide.

鈥淚 would argue that a second-term governor taking up an issue that鈥檚 important to him, that鈥檚 his choice,鈥� Spanberger said of Newsom, drawing a contrast with her own position as a brand-new governor less than 90 days into her tenure: 鈥淚t鈥檚 very different from a first-term governor, literally at the end of her first session.鈥�

She pointed to significant spending already backing the referendum, including 鈥渟even-figure ad-buys鈥� featuring her directly addressing voters.

鈥淭here鈥檚 over a million dollars worth of TV ads with my face on it,鈥� Spanberger said. 鈥淎nd at the same time, my priority is doing the job that I told Virginians I want to do, which is governing.鈥�

The governor鈥檚 balancing act comes as she faces mixed political headwinds. The Washington Post-Schar School poll also found her approval rating at 47%, with 46% disapproving and 7% undecided 鈥� a tightening margin that has drawn national attention.

Larry Sabato, director of the University of Virginia鈥檚 Center for Politics, the dip as 鈥渟tunning鈥� in early coverage of the poll, noting that such numbers could complicate her standing within the Democratic Party as national attention intensifies.

Spanberger brushed aside concerns about the polling, emphasizing her electoral mandate and ongoing work in office.

鈥淚f everybody hated me, why is everybody putting my face on their mailers for the referendum?鈥� she said. 鈥淲hat matters to me in the end is what I am delivering for people.鈥�

She added that criticism of her approach 鈥渟eems to run at odds with the fact that everybody thinks I鈥檓 a convincing character in whichever way they want that referendum vote to go,鈥� seemingly referencing a GOP-funded featuring Spanberger and former President Barack Obama that critics decried as misleading.

Spanberger reiterated Wednesday: 鈥淔or the record, the misinformation鈥檚 strong. I voted 鈥榶es鈥� and encouraged other Virginians to do the same.鈥�

National and state Democrats are also ramping up public engagement efforts in the final stretch before the vote.

On Thursday evening, Roland Martin is set to host a live 鈥淰ote Yes鈥� town hall at Virginia State University, featuring House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, U.S. Sens. Mark Warner and Tim Kaine of Virginia, Virginia House Speaker Don Scott, and U.S. Rep. Jennifer McClellan, D-Richmond.

The event, which will also be live-streamed, is expected to focus on encouraging early voting ahead of 鈥淪uper Saturday,鈥� when additional early voting access expands statewide, as supporters make a final push to mobilize voters before the April 21 referendum.

Republicans, meanwhile, have seized on the issue to mount a coordinated opposition campaign.

Former Gov. Glenn Youngkin recently criticized the referendum during an appearance hosted by Sean Hannity of Fox News, calling it 鈥渋llegal and unconstitutional鈥� and warning it would undermine the state鈥檚 redistricting framework.

Youngkin is scheduled to appear at a 鈥淰ote No Rally鈥� in Lynchburg on Saturday alongside U.S. Rep. John McGuire, R-Powhatan, and U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans, R-Virginia Beach. Also slated to attend are state Sens. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, and Luther Cifers, R-Prince Edwards, and Del. Wendell Walker, R-Lynchburg.

McGuire and Kiggans are among the Republican incumbents whose districts would become more competitive if the referendum passes.

The politics around it have put Spanberger in a delicate spot 鈥� one that analysts say reflects both caution and the realities she鈥檚 dealing with.

Veteran Virginia political analyst Bob Holsworth said the governor鈥檚 approach is consistent with how she has handled the issue from the outset.

鈥淪he鈥檚 supportive, but at the same time, she doesn鈥檛 want to place all her political capital on it,鈥� Holsworth said, noting that the referendum was not originally her initiative. 鈥淭his was something that she almost inherited.鈥�

Holsworth added that governing demands 鈥� including stalled 鈥� have likely limited her ability to campaign more aggressively, even as Democrats work to turn out voters.

鈥淚 think it would have been helpful if Spanberger had been more supportive,鈥� he said, 鈥渂ut the reality is that she still doesn鈥檛 have a budget yet, so this has not been her highest priority.鈥�

As early voting continues, the referendum is shaping up as both a policy question and a political test 鈥� not just for Virginia鈥檚 congressional map, but for Spanberger鈥檚 influence within her party.

鈥淭he reality is that this is about Congress, this isn鈥檛 about governing Virginia,鈥� Holsworth said. 鈥淔or someone who certainly would want to have a national profile, if the referendum doesn鈥檛 pass, she will take a significant hit from national Democrats, they will put the blame on her.鈥�

Source

Filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts, the lawsuit argues that Trump鈥檚 March 31 order unlawfully attempts to reshape voter eligibility and mail-in voting by directing federal agencies to create a national list of approved voters 鈥� and limiting ballot distribution to those on that list.

鈥淭his is a blatant attempt by Donald Trump to sow confusion and distrust in our democratic processes and to influence the midterm elections for his own personal gain,鈥� Jones said in a statement.

He added that the president鈥檚 order does not affect balloting for Virginia鈥檚 April 21 redistricting referendum. Early voting is already underway, and state leaders sought to reassure voters about the integrity of the current process.

But if left in place, the order would disenfranchise voters in the November election, Jones said.

鈥淭his fearmongering and arrogation of states鈥� authority is plainly unconstitutional. I鈥檓 proud to join attorneys general across the country in defending the right to the franchise and to use every legal tool available to us to stop the president鈥檚 illegal power grab,鈥� he said.

According to the complaint, Trump鈥檚 executive order directs the United States Postal Service to transmit mail ballots only to voters included on a federally maintained eligibility list 鈥� a move the attorneys general argue would override existing state voter rolls and election procedures.

The order also threatens state officials with criminal prosecution and the loss of federal funding if they fail to comply.

The coalition contends that such directives conflict with longstanding constitutional principles that give states primary authority over administering elections.

While Congress has some authority to regulate federal elections, the lawsuit argues, the president cannot unilaterally impose sweeping changes without legislative approval.

Legal scholars and election experts have long emphasized that the decentralized nature of U.S. elections 鈥� with states and localities controlling voter registration, ballot access and vote counting 鈥� is a core feature of the system.

Disputes over election administration have intensified in recent years, particularly following the expansion of mail voting during the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent political battles over access and security.

The attorneys general argue the executive order would force states to abandon or significantly alter their existing systems for maintaining voter rolls and administering absentee ballots. All states involved in the lawsuit currently allow eligible voters to cast ballots by mail under their own laws and procedures.

State and federal law entitle all eligible voters to cast ballots and have their votes counted, the complaint states. Mail voting, the coalition notes, is widely used by voters across the political spectrum, including the president himself.

The complaint warns that states would be forced to overhaul election procedures within weeks of primary contests and just months before mail voting begins for the 2026 general election.

That compressed timeline, attorneys general argue, risks 鈥渃onfusion, chaos, and distrust鈥� while potentially disenfranchising eligible voters.

The coalition鈥檚 lawsuit asks the court to block the federal government from implementing or enforcing the executive order, arguing it violates the separation of powers and unlawfully interferes with state-run election systems.

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The package of bills, all of which cleared the General Assembly with unanimous or bipartisan support during its 2026 session, reflects a broad push by lawmakers to strengthen emergency preparedness in schools, improve mental health resources, modernize student safety education and provide additional tools for educators working with at-risk youth.

With the governor鈥檚 signature, the measures will become law.

鈥淎s the parent of three daughters in Virginia public schools and a former federal law enforcement officer, nothing is more important to me than the safety of Virginia鈥檚 kids,鈥� Spanberger said in a statement.

鈥淓very Virginia parent deserves peace of mind knowing their kids are safe, supported, and set up for success 鈥� and that their school is prepared for any emergency.鈥�

Spanberger added that the legislation is intended to give teachers and school staff the training and resources they need while reinforcing safety priorities shared by families across the commonwealth. She thanked both Democratic and Republican lawmakers for their support.

Lawmakers target threats, school readiness

At the center of the legislative package is an effort to strengthen how schools identify and respond to potential threats.

One measure, , sponsored by Del. Amy Laufer, D-Albemarle, requires threat assessment teams in K-12 schools and public colleges and universities to receive additional training on emergency substantial risk orders, often referred to as 鈥渞ed flag鈥� laws.

Those orders, already permitted under Virginia law, allow for the temporary removal of firearms when someone is deemed a danger to themselves or others.

The new requirement incorporates that training into existing annual instruction, aiming to ensure school-based teams are better prepared to recognize warning signs and coordinate with courts when intervention is needed.

Lawmakers also expanded how educators are trained to support students facing mental health challenges.

by Del. Rozia Henson, D-Woodbridge, sets clearer standards for required mental health awareness training, directing school divisions to include evidence-based practices tailored to students considered at higher risk.

That includes youth affected by suicide, students with disabilities or chronic illnesses, those experiencing housing instability or foster care placement, and students who identify as LGBTQ+.

The law also makes explicit that the training cannot be used to justify discriminatory or biased treatment, while still allowing local divisions flexibility in how the instruction is delivered.

In response to the evolving digital landscape, legislators updated requirements for internet safety education.

Under , Del. Alex Askew, D-Virginia Beach, schools will incorporate expanded instruction on topics such as online privacy, responsible social media use and the risks associated with digital platforms.

The updated framework also emphasizes recognizing online exploitation and understanding the permanence of digital footprints, integrating those lessons into existing curricula rather than creating a separate course.

Another measure gives school divisions the option to equip staff with wearable panic alarm systems designed to alert emergency responders of a crisis.

, carried by Del. Shelly Simonds, D-Newport News, allows the devices to send signals directly to 911 and trigger schoolwide alerts when necessary.

The law also directs the Virginia Department of Education to establish a grant program 鈥� contingent on state funding 鈥� to help offset the cost for divisions that choose to adopt the technology, with priority given to those demonstrating need.

Beyond emergency preparedness, several of the newly signed laws focus on expanding support for students considered at risk of academic failure.

A separate bill, by Del. Delores McQuinn, D-Richmond, broadens how school divisions can use state funding targeted at those students, allowing the money to cover physical and mental health services.

That includes hiring licensed practical nurses, registered nurses and advanced practice registered nurses to work in schools, reflecting a growing emphasis on the connection between student health and academic outcomes.

Sen. Barbara Favola, D-Arlington, sponsored the companion measure, .

Another proposal, , sponsored by Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, makes permanent a school-based initiative originally launched as a pilot program in Roanoke and Petersburg.

By removing the program鈥檚 expiration date and designating it as a statewide demonstration model, the law signals an intent to expand efforts aimed at improving school climate and reducing youth violence.

The initiative focuses on workforce development, exposure to career and technical education and building social and emotional skills, combining academic support with broader community-based services.

Sen. David Suetterlein, R-Salem, carried the companion .

Measures aim to improve safety standards and fight child hunger

In addition to education-focused legislation, Spanberger signed measures aimed at improving public health oversight and addressing child hunger.

One new proposal, , introduced by Del. Patrick Hope, D-Arlington, requires Virginia鈥檚 Board of Health to establish comprehensive regulations governing public swimming pools and other water recreational facilities.

The updated framework shifts away from narrower requirements and instead mandates broader health and safety standards for facilities, including those associated with hotels and health spas, with the goal of creating more consistent statewide oversight.

Another measure, by Del. Cia Price, D-Newport News, requires school divisions to track and report unpaid student meal debt.

Each local school board will submit annual data to the Virginia Department of Education, which will then compile a statewide report for lawmakers.

The requirement is designed to provide a clearer picture of the scope of unpaid meal balances across Virginia while protecting student privacy by prohibiting the inclusion of personally identifiable information.

The effort stems from recommendations by the and is intended to inform future policy decisions addressing food insecurity.

This latest round of bill signings comes just days after Spanberger approved of legislation focused on lowering costs for Virginians, including measures targeting health care affordability, housing supply and energy prices.

Taken together, the legislation reflects a wide-ranging approach to student safety and well-being, combining immediate emergency response measures with longer-term investments in mental health, educational support and public health infrastructure.

With Spanberger鈥檚 signature, the measures will take effect as law by July 1.

Source

In the meantime, Spanberger in a statement highlighted lawmakers鈥� focus on these three issues as a priority during the legislative session.

鈥淣o Virginian should ever have to choose between seeing their doctor, paying their rent or mortgage, or keeping their lights on,鈥� she said. 鈥淚 am signing this legislation to respond to the real, pressing concerns I have heard from Virginia families across the commonwealth about high costs 鈥� particularly at the pharmacy counter, in the housing market, and on their utility bills.鈥�

While she signed some versions of bills, she noted cognates from the opposite chamber that have yet to be communicated but will be signed when they officially reach her desk.

Health care

Following through on a campaign promise, Spanberger signed a slate of bills aimed at addressing health care affordability and access, along with measures to boost housing supply and strengthen tenant protections.

After passing unanimously, Senate Bill 669 by Sen. Aaron Rouse, D-Virginia Beach, and House Bill 830 by Del. Katrina Callsen, D-Charlottesville, aim to prevent pharmacy benefit managers from inflating prescription drug costs.

Pharmacy benefit managers are the middlemen that negotiate drug prices between health plans, manufacturers and pharmacies. Critics have argued they operate with little transparency, making it hard to tell how much of their negotiated savings are passed on to consumers. Rouse and Callsen have been working on reforming PBMs in recent years.

Another unanimously supported measure was SB 405 by Sen. Louise Lucas, D-Portsmouth and HB 815 by Del. Mark Downey, D-Williamsburg. The legislation invests in Virginia鈥檚 health workforce by administering nursing scholarships.

HB 220 by Del. Patrick Hope, D-Arlington, and SB 630 by Sen. Jennifer Carroll Foy, D-Prince William will eliminate additional fees on health care premiums while HB 60 by Del. Jeion Ward, D-Hampton, seeks to prevent life and health insurance from being denied to people who have sought care for HIV or AIDS.

Housing

After a state-directed study confirmed a shortage of roughly 200,000 affordable housing units, lawmakers have spent several legislative sessions trying to address the gap. Housing affordability and increasing supply were also central to Spanberger鈥檚 campaign for governor.

HB 1227 by Del. Josh Thomas, D-Prince William, and SB 729 by Sen. Mike Jones, D-Richmond, leverage the state鈥檚 bonding authority to support the development of new affordable housing.

SB 628 by Sen. Mamie Locke, D-Hampton, and SB 527 by Del. Adele McClure, D-Alexandria, establish Virginia鈥檚 Eviction Reduction Program 鈥� a measure both women had planned to pursue through their work on the Virginia Housing Commission, where they learned the piloted diversion program was not being used as widely as intended.

SB 346 by Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Henrico, and HB 655 by Del. Michelle Maldonado, D-Prince William, aim to boost housing supply by making it easier to construct manufactured homes, which can provide a more affordable housing option but are not always granted the same approvals as other single-family homes.

All of the housing bills Spanberger has so far signed so far, or indicated she plans to sign, cleared the legislature with bipartisan support.

Energy

With energy costs a top concern for Virginians, lawmakers passed several bills aimed at lowering monthly utility bills.

Spanberger signed HB 1191, by Del. Irene Shin, D-Fairfax, and SB 377, by Sen. Scott Surovell, D-Fairfax, that allows high load energy customers 鈥� such as data centers or manufacturers 鈥� to enter into agreements to invest in new substations that serve only them, shielding ratepayers from those costs.

Under these measures, customers that demand more than 20 megawatts of power and rely on transmission lines of 230 kV of power or more would pay 100% of the cost to construct the substation should they enter into an agreement with the utility and comply with local ordinances.

HB 369, sponsored by Del David Reid, D-Loudoun, addresses the process by which commercial and industrial customers of Phase I and Phase II utilities buy renewable energy certificates, or RECs, from within the regional grid operator PJM to help meet clean energy and capacity requirements.

The RECs help utilities comply with mandates under the Virginia Clean Economy Act. The legislation also provides that power purchased from nuclear and fusion energy sources would count toward meeting the law鈥檚 carbon-zero emissions requirements.

SB 505, by Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville, directs the State Corporation Commission to take a closer look at fuel and power purchase costs and how they affect risk for ratepayers. Fuel costs are a direct pass-through from utilities to customers, but the newly signed bill requires the SCC to ensure that the most efficient methods are being used and to consider fuel-cost sharing programs.

HB 562, also by Reid, allows electric cooperatives to establish virtual power plants to help ease potential strain on the grid during periods of extreme heat or cold. The measure enables customers with electric vehicle charging stations, smart thermostats, and battery storage to temporarily reduce demand on the grid during peak hours on a voluntary basis.

HB 889, by Shin, and SB 497, by Sen. Russet Perry, D-Loudoun, prioritizes existing transmission line corridors and state highways for new transmission siting. The Department of Transportation is also directed to make recommendations on how the state can speed up permitting for transmission lines in areas where infrastructure already exists and along highway rights-of-way.

Another Shin proposal, HB 1225, and SB 407, by Sen. Jennifer Boysko, D-Fairfax, allows Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power Company to petition the SCC to build utility-owned electric vehicle charging stations while establishing new location requirements. The bill also initiates a rulemaking proceeding by the SCC to determine appropriate distances between utility-owned fast-charging stations and privately-owned ones.

Source

More than 354,000 ballots had been cast statewide as of Monday, according to by the Virginia Public Access Project, a steady acceleration since early voting and continues through April 18.

The pace marks a sharp increase from the opening days of voting, when roughly had been cast by March 10 鈥� a sign that engagement is picking up as the April 21 referendum draws closer.

But beneath those topline numbers, a deeper divide is emerging.

Early participation varies widely by region, with Republican-leaning areas generally posting higher turnout rates so far.

In some GOP strongholds, between 10 and 15% of registered voters have already cast ballots, outpacing many Democratic-leaning areas, particularly in Northern Virginia, where early voting infrastructure tends to ramp up later in the cycle.

At the congressional district level, the same pattern holds. Districts currently represented by Republicans are seeing stronger early turnout than those held by Democrats 鈥� an early signal of partisan intensity around that could reshape Virginia鈥檚 congressional delegation ahead of the 2026 midterms.

鈥淚 think the Democrats have to be worried,鈥� longtime Virginia political analyst Bob Holsworth said. 鈥淭hey have a financial advantage, but the challenge the Democrats have here is that they don鈥檛 really have a face for their campaign.鈥�

Local data underscores those disparities even more clearly.

Across Virginia, many of the highest-turnout jurisdictions so far are smaller, Republican-leaning counties in central and western parts of the state.

Mathews County, a strongly Republican-leaning locality on the Middle Peninsula where GOP candidates consistently get more than 60% of the vote in local, statewide and federal elections, has posted the highest early voting rate statewide, with roughly 16% of registered voters already casting ballots as of Monday.

Similar patterns are visible elsewhere, where GOP-leaning counties are exceeding statewide averages and outpacing more urban, Democratic-leaning jurisdictions.

By contrast, large Democratic strongholds 鈥� including Fairfax, Loudoun and Prince William counties 鈥� have reported significantly lower early voting rates in the first weeks of balloting, often well under 5% of registered voters.

Taken together, the early returns suggest Republican-leaning areas are currently driving turnout, both in raw participation and as a share of registered voters, while Democratic-leaning regions have been slower to engage.

Democrats dominate fundraising, but lack a clear messenger

Holsworth said that while Democrats have built a well-funded operation, they lack a central, visible figure to rally voters.

鈥淲ho鈥檚 the face of the Democratic redistricting here that鈥檚 out there campaigning for it every day?鈥� he asked. 鈥淭hey have an argument, but they don鈥檛 have a face for their argument who is the absolute champion.鈥�

That dynamic is unfolding even as Democrats dominate the money race. Millions of dollars from national sources have flowed into pro-referendum efforts.

, a progressive nonprofit, has n over the past six weeks to , the most visible pro-redistricting group. The organization also received a $5 million donation from the , a nonprofit affiliated with the network founded by Hungarian-American billionaire and philanthropist George Soros.

The Soros-linked contribution has angered Republicans, who have seized on it in their social media messaging.

鈥淲e don鈥檛 want any more Steve Descanos and Ramin Fatehis endangering our communities,鈥� Del. Wren Williams, R-Patrick, said , referencing two Virginia Democratic local prosecutors whose campaigns Soros supported.

Holsworth downplayed the political impact of the funding source itself.

鈥淗e鈥檚 funded some Democratic commonwealth鈥檚 attorney races that have been fairly successful, at least in the location,鈥� Holsworth said of Soros. 鈥淏ut I don鈥檛 think the people who are voting in this are looking at how it鈥檚 being funded, for the most part.鈥�

Instead, he said, the core challenge for Democrats remains turnout and persuasion.

鈥淚 think that the challenge the Democrats have is they have to mobilize their base, and they have to run halfway decently with independents here,鈥� he said. 鈥淭hey certainly have a chance of winning.鈥�

Spanberger鈥檚 shift and national context

That absence has stood in contrast to similar efforts in other states.

鈥淭he distinction with California is twofold. One, California is more Democratic, but secondly, California has an active, energetic champion for this,鈥� Holsworth said, referring to the state鈥檚 governor, Gavin Newsom, who has been a de-factor spokesman of the there.

While Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger has voiced support for the amendment and backed it up by marking her referendum ballot 鈥測es鈥� last week, Holsworth said she has not taken on the same high-profile role.

鈥淕overnor Spanberger said she supports it and has become more supportive, but she鈥檚 not out there putting her political capital on the line for it every day,鈥� he said.

Spanberger鈥檚 view on the issue has evolved.

On the campaign trail last August, she said to pursue redistricting. But after casting an early 鈥測es鈥� vote in Henrico County on Friday 鈥� inviting the media to cover the moment 鈥� she framed her support as a response to national developments.

鈥淚 continue to support the 2020 redistricting amendment that set up a bipartisan commission,鈥� Spanberger told reporters. 鈥淭his amendment is temporary and responsive to this moment in time where we have a president who has gone to other states seeking additional congressional seats.鈥�

The push for new maps follows a broader national movement that began after President Donald Trump urged Republican-led states to strengthen their majority in the U.S. House. The effort and has since spread, prompting both red and blue states to revisit their maps.

As Republicans Virginia鈥檚 proposal as a partisan maneuver, Spanberger pushed back.

鈥淗ad they spoken in opposition to those efforts, I would perhaps take their level of consternation with a bit more seriousness,鈥� she said of similar moves in GOP-led states at Trump鈥檚 request.

Democrats have also leaned on national figures to help make their case.

Last week, the party sent mailers featuring former President Barack Obama urging Virginians to vote in favor of the amendment. Obama first the effort in a video released earlier this month after the Virginia Supreme Court allowed the referendum to go forward.

鈥淰irginia, we are counting on you,鈥� Obama is quoted on the mailer. 鈥淩epublicans want to steal enough seats in Congress to rig the next election and wield unchecked power for two more years. But you can stop them by voting yes by April 21.鈥�

Holsworth said that the ad could provide a boost, but not a substitute for local leadership.

鈥淭hat could help, but that鈥檚 not somebody who has been running in Virginia all the time,鈥� he said of the former president. 鈥淲ho is here, actively campaigning every day for the referendum out here? And that鈥檚 what you need in a campaign.鈥�

Opposition ramps up as GOP base shows energy

Opponents of the referendum have mounted an aggressive campaign of their own.

One group deployed and messaging to argue the proposal would weaken protections against partisan gerrymandering, sparking a heated political fight over both the substance of the amendment and the tone of the campaign.

Recent electoral results suggest Republican voters may be particularly energized.

In a special election earlier this month to fill the Virginia Beach-area seat of the late Del. Barry Knight, Republican Andrew Rice defeated Democrat Cheryl Smith , outperforming Knight鈥檚 margins in his last two elections by about five points.

The result has fueled Republican optimism heading into the referendum.

鈥淚f we could get some funds, we can win this redistricting fight in Virginia and secure the midterms for @POTUS,鈥� Del. Karen Hamilton, R-Orange, .

Elections analyst Sam Shirazi said the referendum has become a motivating issue for GOP voters.

鈥淚 think one explanation of what happened is the Republicans are fired up and they鈥檙e upset about the redistricting referendum,鈥� Shirazi said on of his 鈥淔ederal Fallout鈥� podcast. 鈥淎t the end of the day anger is a very strong motivator to vote.鈥�

He added that the dynamic reflects a broader pattern in Virginia politics.

鈥淭his is kind of a common thing we see in Virginia,鈥� Shirazi said. 鈥淩epublicans are upset and perhaps they are starting to organize, whereas last year they were a little bit asleep.鈥�

Virginia Mercury reporter Charlotte Rene Woods contributed to this story.聽

Source

The case comes as Virginia鈥檚 background check requirement for most private firearm sales remains invalidated following an聽聽by a Lynchburg-area circuit court, a decision that still stands after an appellate court declined to revive the law.

Virginia Attorney General Jay Jones, who聽聽after then-Attorney General Jason Miyares did not defend the statute, said the consequences of that decision were significant.

鈥淢y predecessor had a choice: defend Virginia鈥檚 background check law and protect our communities, or stand aside. He stood aside and put lives at risk. I fought to intervene and appeal because background checks save lives and closing the private seller loophole keeps guns out of dangerous hands,鈥� Jones said in an email Friday.

The timing of the federal case has brought that debate into sharper focus.

According to the U.S. Department of Justice, Kenya Mcchell Chapman, 32, of Smithfield has聽聽with illegally selling the firearm used in聽, which left one person dead and two injured, and prompted renewed concern about campus safety in Norfolk.

滨苍听聽announcing the charges, the Justice Department said the defendant is accused of engaging in the unlicensed sale of firearms, including the weapon later used in the ODU shooting. Prosecutors allege the gun was sold to an individual prohibited from possessing firearms under federal law.

The federal complaint has drawn attention from gun violence prevention advocates, who say the case reflects the risks created when background check requirements are weakened or removed.

鈥淭hat鈥檚 the very thing that the law was intended to stop from happening,鈥� said Lori Haas, advocacy manager for the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions, in a phone interview Friday.

鈥淧eople who are prohibited from purchasing a firearm, by law, we need to make certain that they can鈥檛 buy firearms. Because look at what happened. Somebody who was prohibited by law got their hands on a firearm and caused harm and devastation to another university community.鈥�

Virginia鈥檚 universal background check law,聽聽under a Democratic majority and signed by then-Gov. Ralph Northam, expanded existing federal requirements by requiring most private firearm sales to go through licensed dealers, who would conduct background checks.

But in October, a Lynchburg-area circuit court judge struck down the law in a case initially focused on handgun access for people ages 18 to 20. The ruling went further, invalidating the broader private-sale background check requirement statewide.

Miyares, a Republican, did not pursue an appeal before leaving office. Jones, a Democrat, moved in December to extend the deadline so the commonwealth could continue the case.

That motion was denied, meaning the Lynchburg court鈥檚 ruling remains in effect and the law is unenforceable.

The ODU shooting

Authorities say the ODU shooting suspect obtained the firearm through a private sale after it had been stolen, a transaction that would have required a background check under Virginia law before it was struck down. The alleged shooter 鈥� Mohamed Bailor Jalloh, a 36-year-old former Virginia National Guardsman 鈥斅犅爁rom possessing a firearm.

The shooting left one person dead and led to heightened concern on campus and across the region.

In response, university officials have taken additional safety measures, including a聽more information about their criminal histories 鈥� a significant move because Virginia law limits how public colleges handle criminal history.

聽prohibits public institutions from including questions about criminal history on their own admissions applications or denying admission solely based on that information, though schools may review such records after a student is admitted if there are safety concerns.

The case has also fueled聽聽about whether stronger background check requirements could have prevented the sale.

For Haas, the case underscores why advocates pushed for the 2020 law.

鈥淚 think the attorney general鈥檚 point is extremely valid,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 why the Virginia Tech families and the gun violence prevention movement fought so hard to get universal background checks.鈥�

She added that while it is not possible to know whether the seller would have complied with the law, the requirement itself could have created a barrier.

鈥淚t would have been at least a barrier in some minds in requiring a background check of the buyer,鈥� Haas said.

Federal charges and legislative response

The Justice Department鈥檚 case focuses on the alleged conduct of the seller, who is accused of unlawfully dealing firearms and transferring a weapon to a prohibited person.

Federal law requires individuals who are 鈥渆ngaged in the business鈥� of selling firearms to obtain a license and conduct background checks. But private sellers who fall outside that definition are not subject to the same requirements, a gap that states like Virginia sought to address through broader laws.

With Virginia鈥檚 law currently struck down, that gap has effectively reopened, at least temporarily.

Even as the courts consider the future of the state鈥檚 background check requirements, lawmakers have moved to adopt new measures.

During the 2026 legislative session, Democrats聽聽aimed at strengthening firearm purchasing requirements.

While it won鈥檛 resolve the Lynchburg case,聽, sponsored by Sen. Scott Surovell, D-Fairfax, would create a 鈥渇irearm purchaser license鈥� issued by the Virginia State Police. Applicants would need to be at least 21, pass a background check and complete a firearms safety course. The license would be valid for five years.

Under the measure, dealers could not complete a firearm sale without verifying a valid license, effectively adding a permit-to-purchase requirement on top of existing background checks. A聽聽by Del. Garrett McGuire, D-Alexandria, also passed.

Both bills are now headed to Gov. Abigail Spanberger and would take effect July 1 if signed into law.

The convergence of the federal prosecution, the court ruling and the legislative response has created a complex and evolving landscape for gun policy in Virginia.

Jones said he intends to continue pursuing the issue in court and emphasized the broader stakes.

鈥淕un violence is the leading cause of death for children, and at a moment that demanded action, my predecessor chose the gun lobby over public safety. I will not. As attorney general, I will pursue every avenue, including taking this fight to court, to defend our laws, enforce accountability, and save lives.鈥�

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More than rely on state social services like Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, while about 400,000 Virginians get their health insurance through the state marketplace.

In their 2026 legislative session, state lawmakers crunched numbers to figure out how to buoy state agencies that support constituents. Though the bulk of the work concluded last weekend, they鈥檒l reconvene next month to sort through budget differences and this year鈥檚 unique funding challenges with Gov. Abigail Spanberger.

鈥淚t鈥檚 a sea change,鈥� said Del. Rodney Willet, D-Henrico, who chairs the House of Delegates鈥� Health and Human Services Committee. 鈥淲e鈥檝e never had this much of an onus on the state before. It will take a lot of work with the people, processes and systems to go with that.鈥�

Overhauling Medicaid verifications

When the One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed on July 4, 2025, the legislation entailed new work requirements for certain Medicaid beneficiaries and twice-yearly verifications.

In a January presentation, Virginia鈥檚 Medicaid director Jeff Lunardi told state lawmakers that about 500,000 Virginians will be subject to the new Medicaid standards.

This also means the caseload for local DSS staff around the state is growing faster than state workers鈥� resources are, he said.

Medicaid is a joint state and federal program that provides health care for people with disabilities, pregnant people and low-income earners. Since Virginia became the 33rd state nationwide to expand their Medicaid program in 2018, thousands more people became eligible at different income levels who would have otherwise struggled to access health insurance.

But the ramped-up verification process means that social service staffers around the state must adjust their workflow processes to avoid backlogs.

鈥淲e need to be operationally ready by mid-September,鈥� Lunardi said, since the Virginia Department of Medical Assistance Services needs to communicate changes with enrollees three months before the Jan.1, 2027, compliance date.

To support local social service workers around the state, former Gov. Glenn Youngkin proposed for around $18 million that could absorb some of the workload. It鈥檚 a part of his outgoing budget that state lawmakers did not change and Spanberger can consider keeping.

Likewise, lawmakers kept Youngkin鈥檚 earmark of $134 million to further support the more stringent Medicaid eligibility verification efforts Congress will require.

Lawmakers try to patch up a strained safety net

Losing Medicaid doesn鈥檛 have to mean avoiding the doctor, but it does mean that聽 鈥渟afety net鈥� providers, like free clinics, will need to catch more people falling through the health care cracks.

When Medicaid patients fall off that insurance, 鈥渢hey don鈥檛 leave us,鈥� Western Tidewater Free Clinic director Ashley Greene said 鈥� 鈥淭hey just transition to no payment offset.鈥�

As a hybrid facility that treats both Medicaid patients and uninsured people, Western Tidewater Free Clinic is one of about 70 free clinics in Virginia that are bracing to serve more patients with fewer resources.

For instance, a Winchester-area resident who鈥檇 been working two part-time jobs lost Medicaid because he was making 鈥渁 little too much,鈥� Sinclair Health Clinic director Mercedes Abbet said. He ultimately stayed with Sinclair as his primary care provider to treat his diabetes and mental health issues, but the clinic lost Medicaid reimbursement for the services it provided to him.

Abbet said that last year Sinclair saw its highest client load since the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Seventy-seven percent of its 3,000 patients were uninsured and 22% had Medicaid.

She, along with Abbet and other free clinic directors, said they expect the number of uninsured patients to keep growing, as thousands of Virginians are at risk of losing their coverage when congressionally-manded Medicaid changes take effect in 2027.

To help clinics stay afloat, state lawmakers are proposing a $5 million increase in state funding over the next two years.

Investing in free clinics can help save Virginians some money down the line, .

This is because uninsured people are more likely to put off care until dire situations arise and they鈥檙e forced to seek emergency care at a hospital. Though hospitals treat people regardless of their ability to pay, they also negotiate with private insurers. Absorbing more of what they call 鈥渦ncompensated care,鈥� can mean higher premiums for private insurers eventually.

Greene, of Western Tidewater, said that about 75% of its patients do not end up going to ERs. If the clinic can keep that amount of people from visiting an ER, 鈥渢here鈥檚 that much more room for true emergencies,鈥� she said.

A state-level ACA subsidy program?

A congressional stalemate last fall over renewing special Affordable Care Act subsidies led to a聽The expiring credits further helped people living between 100% and 400% of the federal poverty level purchase their own health insurance in the ACA marketplace. ACA assists those who would still struggle to buy their own private insurance plans and whose employers don鈥檛 provide health care.

Democrats have led the push to extend the subsidies, but some Republicans 聽to renewing them 鈥� with Virginia鈥檚 Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland,聽 one of聽. As of press time, however, the subsidies have not been renewed and Virginia鈥檚 state budget needs to be ready to take effect by July.

State Sen. Barbara Favola, D-Arlington, called it 鈥渁 very terrible situation to be in,鈥� trying to budget for the next two years with 鈥渦ncertainty鈥� from the federal government.

Still, each chamber has pitched ideas on how to support constituents in the meantime.

Virginia鈥檚 House of Delegates has set aside $79.1 million for next year specifically to aid people between 138% and 200% of the federal poverty level.

Virginia鈥檚 Senate proposed $200 million as soon as the middle of this year, and would authorize the state ACA exchange to set up a special enrollment period.

These are options that Spanberger can consider when she ultimately signs the state budget this spring.

Keeping food on the table

Another health care hurdle Virginia is facing: reducing its error rate in Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program verifications. The federal program helps disabled and low-income earners buy groceries.

Due to the reconciliation bill, states that don鈥檛 reduce their rates risk being on the hook for millions.

Youngkin had already spurred reduction efforts, but Spanberger鈥檚 administration must complete the work.

The House and Senate have so far left Youngkin鈥檚 $2.4 million for a quality assurance team untouched in their budget proposals.

The House also wants to earmark $52.3 million in extra funding to offset increased locality costs of administering SNAP due to the federal changes. The Senate proposes $2 million for the state to contract with a vendor that can help reduce error rates.

At least one vendor was already tapped last year.

Records obtained by The Mercury show a $1.7 million vendor contract for six months of audit services thatduring Youngkin鈥檚 final months as governor. The $2 million the Senate has proposed may entail a vendor for the next two years, if approved by Spanberger.

Each chamber has also set aside contingency funding if Virginia is not able to reduce its rate by certain margins.

The House proposed earmarking $211 million if the state doesn鈥檛 get below 10% and the Senate set aside $135 million, assuming the rate doesn鈥檛 drop below 8 to 10%. As she prepares to sign the budget, Spanberger will need to consider both chambers鈥� proposals.

The state budget must take effect by July 1. A special legislative session has been set for April 23 to reconcile the differences between the House and Senate budget plans.

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Warner, a Democrat who has represented Virginia in the Senate since 2009, said his campaign kickoff tour focused on listening to voters concerned about rising costs and the future of the economy.

鈥淎fter five days on the road across the commonwealth, I鈥檝e heard the same message from Virginians everywhere: lower costs, get things done, and make sure our economy is ready for the changes ahead,鈥� Warner said in a statement announcing the filing.

鈥淢y focus has always been on delivering real results for Virginia 鈥� lowering costs, creating good-paying jobs, and making sure our workers and businesses are ready to lead as technologies like artificial intelligence transform the economy. That鈥檚 the work I鈥檝e been focused on in the Senate, and it鈥檚 the work I鈥檒l keep fighting to deliver.鈥�

Under Virginia law, candidates for U.S. Senate must submit at least 10,000 signatures from qualified voters 鈥� including at least 400 from each of the state鈥檚 11 congressional districts 鈥� to qualify for the ballot.

Warner said his campaign submitted 18,036 signatures from registered voters across Virginia to the state Department of Elections in Richmond.

The filing formally places Warner on track to seek another six-year term in the Senate in the , which will take place after party primaries scheduled for Aug. 4.

Warner, 70, is one of Virginia鈥檚 most prominent Democratic figures and a fixture in statewide politics for more than two decades.

A former technology entrepreneur and venture capitalist, Warner built a fortune investing in telecommunications companies during the expansion of the wireless industry in the 1980s and 1990s.

His business success helped make him one of the in Congress.

He first won statewide office in 2001 when he was elected governor of Virginia. While in office, Warner developed a reputation as a pragmatic dealmaker who worked with Republicans to stabilize the state鈥檚 finances after the early-2000s recession.

Warner was elected to the U.S. Senate in 2008 and has since won two additional terms, including a 2020 reelection victory in which he , defeating Republican Daniel Gade.

In Washington, he has focused heavily on technology policy, economic competitiveness and national security.

Warner currently serves as vice chair of the Senate鈥檚 Select Committee on Intelligence and has worked on legislation related to cybersecurity, artificial intelligence and supply chain security.

Despite Warner鈥檚 long tenure, the 2026 race is expected to include the first Democratic primary challenge of his Senate career. He previously ran unopposed for the party鈥檚 nomination in 2008, 2014 and 2020.

Several challengers have filed to run against the incumbent in the Democratic primary, including , a member of the Spotsylvania County School Board; , a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army Reserve鈥檚 Adjutant General鈥檚 Corps; , a Falls Church investment banker and former reality television personality; and , a self-described 鈥渞egular Virginian.鈥�

On the Republican side, several lesser-known candidates have entered the race as the GOP searches for a viable challenger to the three-term incumbent.

Declared Republican candidates include , a Northern Virginia cybersecurity executive; , an economic development consultant who previously ran for Senate as an independent; retired Army Maj. Gen. ; Marine Corps Reserve Col. ; and , according to the .

The Republican field was initially expected to include a higher-profile contender after state Sen. Bryce Reeves, R-Orange, in 2025. But Reeves from the race several months later, citing a family health matter.

Warner鈥檚 reelection bid comes as he continues to play a visible role in national debates over foreign policy and the direction of the federal government.

He has been l of President Donald Trump鈥檚 military campaign against Iran, warning that the United States risks becoming entangled in a prolonged conflict without a clear strategy and that Congress should have a stronger role in authorizing military action.

Warner has also been outspoken during in Washington, including the government shutdown crisis of 2025, when lawmakers faced pressure to reach a budget agreement to restore federal services and pay for government workers.

Those issues, along with economic concerns and technology policy, are likely to shape Warner鈥檚 campaign message as he seeks another term representing Virginia in Washington.

If reelected, Warner would continue one of the longest tenures for a Virginia senator in modern history, extending a political career that began in the state鈥檚 executive mansion and has since spanned nearly two decades in the U.S. Senate.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

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The lawmakers asked federal authorities to review the legislators鈥� actions concerning the state-sponsored institution, which has drawn recent scrutiny from legislators, alumni and the public over concerns about alleged racial discrimination and a non-inclusive institutional culture.

The Republican lawmakers wrote to Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth that the changes could also affect VMI鈥檚 role as a federally recognized senior military college, and its training pipeline for U.S. military officers.

U.S. Republican Reps. Ben Cline of Botetourt, Morgan Griffith of Salem, Jen Kiggans of Virginia Beach, John McGuire of Goochland and Rob Wittman of Westmoreland signed the letter.

鈥淎s a veteran and VMI Mom, I am deeply concerned that the Virginia General Assembly has taken legislative action to completely reshape the fabric of this institution to fit their ideological ambitions,鈥� Kiggans said in a separate statement.

鈥淚 stand with my Republican colleagues and VMI alumni from across the country in condemning these actions and call for the egregious state over-reach from Richmond to end.鈥�

Three bills, sponsored by Dels. Dan Helmer, D-Fairfax, and Michael Feggans, D-Virginia Beach, are at the center of the Republicans鈥� ire.

贬别濒尘别谤鈥檚 would establish a VMI task force to examine higher education at VMI, and review the institution鈥檚 response to a which found 鈥渋t is and was common experience to hear racial slurs among VMI cadets, including use of the n-word鈥� and substantiated reports of sexual assault and gender discrimination at the school, among other issues.

贬别濒尘别谤鈥檚 measure also calls for the task force to explore measures VMI has taken to distance its culture from the Lost Cause, which romanticized the South鈥檚 defeat in the Civil War, and promote an inclusive environment. The task force鈥檚 findings would be due by the start of the next legislative session.

, also by Helmer, would ensure that VMI students who report acts of sexual violence receive the same disciplinary immunity as students at other public universities, aligning VMI鈥檚 policies with standard practices.

Lastly, Feggans鈥� would alter the composition of the 17-member VMI board: the maximum number of alumni would decrease from 12 to eight, and the minimum number of non-alumni would increase from four to six, effective July 1.

Feggans鈥� bill was amended after its introduction in January. In its original form, it would have dissolved VMI鈥檚 governing board and transferred oversight to Virginia State University鈥檚 Board of Visitors.

The legislative proposals also follow the governing board鈥檚 decision not to renew the contract of , the institution鈥檚 first Black superintendent. Wins that the decision 鈥渨as not based on my performance or the tangible progress we achieved. It is the result of a partisan choice that abandons the values of honor, integrity, and excellence upon which VMI was built.鈥�

In their March 5 letter to Trump and Hegseth, lawmakers argued that if the bills are successful, they would usher in changes dependent on partisan ideology that could impact national defense interests.

鈥淚f a state legislature may unilaterally restructure, politically condition, or subject a federally recognized Senior Military College to recurring review of its military mission, that precedent could apply equally to every SMC operating under Title 10,鈥� the lawmakers wrote.

鈥淪uch actions risk weakening the uniform federal framework that governs officer development across multiple states and institutions.鈥�

The White House did not immediately respond to requests for comment about the letter and if the administration plans to intervene when it comes to VMI.

The General Assembly will adjourn on Saturday, after which the governor will review all legislation that has passed both chambers and either approve, reject or amend them.

Trump administration and Virginia institutions

While it鈥檚 uncertain if the request made by lawmakers will be taken up, the Trump administration has recently ramped up its attention to Virginia鈥檚 institutions in relation to educating senior military officers.

According to a Feb. 27 memo from Hegseth, the administration is considering several institutions to partner with to expand the Senior Service College Fellowship program, responsible for educating senior military officers. He named Virginia Tech, along with Liberty and George Mason universities as possibilities.

Hegseth wrote in the memo that several institutions, including the College of William & Mary, have failed to 鈥渟harpen our leaders鈥� warfighting capabilities鈥� and have 鈥渦ndermined the very values they are sworn to defend.鈥�

George Mason is also one of two Virginia institutions that have been the subject of a federal investigation dating back to last year, as part of the administration鈥檚 broader crackdown on universities鈥� diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives.

DEI programs are designed to address historic and existing inequalities, while creating fairer opportunities for everyone. Critics say the policies focus too much on identity traits like race or gender and are divisive.

George Mason faces four civil rights investigations tied to its DEI initiatives, its employment practices and treatment of students, as well as a separate probe into alleged antisemitism on campus. The school has cooperated with the probes and maintains its practices are legal and fair.

The federal government also accused the University of Virginia of violating civil rights laws in its admissions, hiring and DEI programs, and claimed its campus culture was inhospitable to Jewish students. UVA leaders refuted the claims, but in October, they with the federal agency to suspend the probes.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Virginia Mercury maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Samantha Willis for questions: info@virginiamercury.com.

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